Slavery The Open Clubhouse
Each proposal should use the example given as a model but should follow this order: Page one should have your name, History 1377, Date, Research Paper Proposal Title, and outline. Pages two through five (minimum three pages) should be your argument and chapter summaries. The last page of your proposal should be your bibliography (at least ten sources, five of which must be primary sources.)
Research Paper Proposal Example
Joseph L. Thompson
History ____
December 1, 2018
Research Paper Proposal Title: SOMETHING LIKE A FAILED WAR:
MAJOR LEAGUE BASEBALL’S UNWINNABLE CONFLICT AGAINST DRUGS
Outline
Introduction: Too Much, Too Soon, Too Fast 1
Chapter 1: The Open Clubhouse 23
• Drinking and Morality in Nineteenth Century Baseball
• Billy Sunday and Prohibition
• Babe Dahlgren and America’s Marijuana Scare
• Movies, Baseball Heroes, and America
• Jim Brosnan, Jim Bouton and Ball Four
• Dock Ellis and the LSD No-No
Chapter 2: The Iron Fist and the Kid from Brooklyn 85
• The film Joe and “Those Hippies”
• Baseball Institutes first Anti-Drug Program in Sports
• Bowie Kuhn and MLB vs. Drugs
• 1971 – Baseball First Drug Policies
• Marvin Miller and the Growth of the Major League Baseball Players Association
• Miami and Cocaine
• First Drug Cases (Ferguson Jenkins, Pascual Perez, Kansas City Four)
• 1984 Joint Drug Agreement
Chapter 3: Enough is Enough 139
• America’s War on Drugs
• Peter Ueberroth, 1984 LA Olympics, Time’s Man of the Year
• 1985 Pittsburgh Drug Trials
• Abandonment of the 1984 Program
• Peter the Great vs. the MLBPA
• Donald Fehr Pushes Back Against Ueberroth
• Just Say No
• Ueberroth Claims No More Drugs in Baseball to Congress
• Dennis “Oil” Can Boyd and Crack Cocaine
• Doc and Darryl
• The Steroid Rumors Begin
Chapter 4: The Million Dollar Men 188
• Otis Nixon and the 1992 World Series
• Lenny Dykstra and the Bash Brothers
• The Father of Steroids
• Steroids Hero/Anti-Hero: Ken Caminiti (The Crowds want Gladiators)
• Faye Vincent, Baseball First Anti-Steroids Legislation
• Bud Selig Comes to Power
• Steroids are Rampant
• Summer of 1998
• A Lovable Giant Falls on His Sword
• Baseball Institutes First Punishments for Steroids but not Illicit Drugs
• Steroid Problems Grow and Legislation Stiffens
• America Calls Out the Cheaters
• 2002, 2004, 2005 Steroids Congressional Hearings
• Mitchell Report, Roger Clemens and Andy Petite
• Barry Bonds and BALCO
• Alex Rodriguez and BIOGENESIS
• Selig claims Baseball’s Steroids Problems are Over
• No testing for Illicit Drugs
• Cocaine and Other Drugs Linger
Conclusion: Baseball Won It’s War on Drugs, Then Lost It Again 278
Appendices:
Appendix A: Baseball Salaries from 1967-2017 297
Appendix B: The 1984 Joint Drug Agreement 299
Appendix C: Players Suspended for Drug Use 301
Appendix D: “Proud to be an Astro” 310
Appendix E: June 18, 1985 Commissioner Peter V. Ueberroth Drug Memo 311
Appendix F: Baseball vs. Drugs 1978 Drug Education Booklet 313
Appendix G: Commissioner Fay Vincent 1991 Drug Memo 336
Appendix H: Commissioner Alan “Bud” Selig 1997 Drug Policy Memo 343
Appendix I: Timeline of MLB’s PED Era Drug Testing Rules 348
Bibliography 350
(For Your Purposes Three-Five Pages Only)
Argument and Summary:
Too Much, Too Soon, Too Fast
Boston Red Sox pitcher Dennis “Oil Can” Boyd first tried cocaine in Colombia during the winter of 1981. Over the next few years, his drug habit steadily grew and his Red Sox teammates and managers started to notice. After examining Boyd one day before practice, Boston Red Sox limited owner and team physician, Dr. Arthur Pappas, advised Boyd to tell the press that he had noncontagious viral hepatitis instead of admitting to his cocaine and crack problem. Boyd wrote in his autobiography They Call Me Oil Can: Baseball, Drugs, and Life on the Edge that the Red Sox changed their view of him starting that season. “They thought they could treat me differently since I had indulged in drugs,” Boyd said. It went beyond the drug use Boyd wrote. “But what they really feared the most was me knowing who I was, which was a strong, independent African American.” Boyd bounced around from team to team and was out of the game by 1993.
Boyd’s story complicated the assumption of historians that baseball management often blacklisted players with substance abuse problems because owners worried about team profits. From the post-Civil War period when baseball’s popularity spread rapidly across the country, the game’s players often indulged in rowdy behavior that included substance abuse. To protect the mythos of baseball as the national pastime that should be free from those who would tarnish its reputation, management punished players when word of substance abuse problems entered the public sphere.
Angelo Bartlett Giamatti argued in his treatise on American sports, Take Time for Paradise: Americans and Their Games, that sports in the modern world differed little from its pre-Industrial Revolution past. Giamatti challenged the work of Allen Guttmann, whom the commissioner called “our most distinguished contemporary thinker on the nature and role of sport in society.” Guttmann argued that sports before the Industrial Revolution was more a matter of ritual whereas in the modern world, sports became a quest for immortality through the achievement of individual records. Giamatti claimed that the modern sports era embodied a powerful, almost religious experience between individual players, a team, and the community. Instead of a player’s simple quest for immortality through records, Giamatti reasoned that athletes and fans experienced collectively a player’s performance on the field and the results of their accomplishments with either elation or disappointment. Individual players, teams, and the community of fans celebrated wins together, and they felt the sting of defeat together. This “shared moment of leisure” represented to Giamatti what sports are in the modern age.
The shared moment of leisure argument works in many realms of sports but breaks apart when examined in the context of alcohol and drug use in baseball. Rampant recreational and performance enhancing drug abuse by professional baseball players tarnished the image of the game as a clean, family-oriented leisure experience. Major League Baseball Commissioner Bowie Kuhn created a drug education and prevention program in 1971 to combat drug use, deflect the negative press, and to protect the image of the game. Bil Gilbert’s Sports Illustrated articles on drug use in sports during the summer of 1969 and Jim Bouton’s bestselling book Ball Four in 1970 had the public asking questions about what sports, in particular baseball, would do after the two pieces had exposed the rampant use of drugs, particularly amphetamines, in baseball. Baseball vs. Drugs, the educational book associated with the program, first released in 1971, became the first example of the standard response by baseball when drug usage among players threatened further damage to the integrity of the game. Academic and non-academic baseball historians have argued that the program was established simply to educate ballplayers on the dangers of drug usage. What they often overlook, however, is that the program was meant to educate parents and children on the dangers of drugs by using professional ballplayers and prominent public figures as spokespersons. The program was meant to show the public, especially young people, that drugs had no place in baseball and society.
Drug usage among players rose significantly in the 1970s because of the advent of free agency and the dramatic rise in salaries. The players won the right to free agency in 1975 and almost overnight became wealthy pampered celebrities. Players with gifted abilities above and beyond their peers usually entered the realm of celebrity status upon signing their first professional contracts. Flush with large amounts of money and a public fan base craving for player attention, ballplayers often dealt with daily temptations of drug and alcohol usage by indulging in those vices. Either as a celebrity figure or as a player unable to cope with the stressors of performing at a high level on the field, some ballplayers succumbed to drug and alcohol usage. With no clear direction from the Commissioner’s office or from the Major League Baseball Players Association (MLBPA) and with a press that craved constant news on players, teams often were left to cope with the negative press associated with troubled players.
Major League Baseball’s failed attempt to control its drug problems seemed to stem from its long held belief that the game could control its own problems. The commissioners of baseball from Bowie Kuhn through Rob Manfred issued policies, decrees, and punishment to players who either violated federal and state drug laws or whose actions contradicted the best interest of the game. The owners and management controlled players’ lives and often removed themselves of those players whose substance abuse made them liabilities to either themselves or the league on or off the field.
The players took back some of their control from management in the late 1960s once the Major League Baseball Players Association (MLBPA) found an effective leader. Marvin Miller, a former union leader with the United Steelworkers Union, took control of the players union and turned the once weak organization into one of the strongest unions in American history. Miller and successive executive directors of the MLBPA battled against management’s desire to control the private lives of players, filed grievances often won against commissioner penalties against players who violated the commissioner’s edicts and policies against drug use and abuse. Miller and his cohorts rejected any drug program that violated player privacy. The MLBPA held on to this line of defense against the commissioners and baseball management until the federal government threatened to take over drug enforcement for the league.
Drug use by players and the response from baseball establishment tarnished the relationship shared between the public and players. Despite the strong rhetoric from the commissioners, the MLBPA, and the federal government, professional baseball never eradicated drug use from the league. Baseball management and the players failed to collectively develop, maintain, or expand upon a joint drug program during the 1970s and 1980s. Their failure to create a working drug policy resulted from the coercive actions by the commissioners against players and constant conflict with the MLBPA. The lack of an effective drug program that included strong disciplinary measures and mandatory testing for all major leaguers produced an environment which drug abuse among players spiraled out of control. A new drug problem emerged in the late 1980s and early 1990s that raised the level of performance beyond natural human capabilities tore at the baseball vision of establishing an equal level playing field. The resulting anabolic steroid scandal that originated during the 1980s threatened to turn the national pastime into a spectacle where no one could accept that the play on the field was genuine. Baseball’s response starting in the late 1990s changed from focusing primarily on recreational drug use to combatting the negative publicity associated with such performance enhancing drugs as steroids.
Hyper-masculinity and macho-male culture aside, drug usage and higher salaries for players created a rift between the public and player’s desire for privacy. This rift created an atmosphere in which on field performance became secondary to a culture of drug and alcohol scandals involving players. Baseball’s failed drug war in retrospect, posed a real threat to destroy the game from within.
This study of baseball’s long history with drugs consists of four chapters and a conclusion. The first chapter examines baseball’s recreational drug culture up to the beginning of the 1970s when Commissioner Bowie Kuhn felt the need to disseminate baseball’s first anti-drug policy. The second and third chapters provide an examination of Commissioner Bowie Kuhn and Peter Ueberroth’s administrations. These two commissioners directly addressed baseball’s growing drug problems by issuing policies, punishing players that violated federal and state drug laws, and became the league’s central mouthpiece to the public on how baseball was addressing its recreational drug use problems. The two chapters also examine the rise of the MLBPA and its first influential leaders. The MLBPA provided the pushback against what they saw as a violation of players rights and privacy concerns. The chapters also examine how the shared moment of leisure as discussed by Commissioner Giamatti between players and the public suffered greatly when drug use in the game became a major issue. The fourth chapter examines how anabolic steroid scandals in the 1990s and beyond pushed the recreational drug use controversies into the background as the game sought to control its PED problem before the game itself lost all credibility. When rumors of anabolic steroids reached the public, fans spoke out about whether baseball was becoming less of a sport with no connection to its past or historical significance in the nation’s history. Throughout the dissertation, I examine how baseball management sought to reestablish the public’s trust in the game by creating a drug education program, punishing violators who broke the nation’s drug laws, and by pushing the MLBPA into accepting drug testing for major league players.
The first chapter of the dissertation examines baseball’s place as the national pastime and how drinking and drug usage in baseball during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries reflected America’s changing trends of acceptance for the substances. The nineteenth-century owners looked to clean the image of the game by blacklisting players whose substance abuse problems made them liabilities on and off the field. Marijuana usage in the United States hit a fever pitch in the 1920s and 1930s and the paranoia involving the substance reached into baseball’s ranks. Ellsworth Tenney “Babe” Dahlgren became the first baseball player in the twentieth century to be caught up in the league’s first major drug scandal. When the smoke cleared, Dahlgren found himself blacklisted by the baseball establishment because of an unproven drug offense involving marijuana. The public wanted to imagine their baseball heroes to be above such suspicions and two movies in particular, The Pride of St. Louis (1952) and The Jackie Robinson Story (1950) provided nationwide audiences with depictions of baseball players rising above personal atrocities to succeed on and off the field. After World War II, amphetamines became an important part of American culture and baseball culture as performance on the field became important to players looking to maintain their careers in the major leagues. The second half of chapter one examines how this culture of performance involving drugs like amphetamines went largely ignored until Jim Bouton published his nationwide bestseller Ball Four in 1970. Bouton’s book, along with federal recognition of recreational drugs as a threat to the stability of the United States, fueled Commissioner Bowie Kuhn to implement a drug education and prevention program in the early 1970s.
The second chapter focuses primarily on American and baseball drug culture during the Bowie Kuhn administration and the relationship between management and the growing power of the MLBPA. American music and drug patterns paralleled with baseball’s changing drug culture during the 1970s and 1980s. Bowie Kuhn released his first drug policy in 1971 that prohibited baseball players from violating federal and state drug laws. Although punishment was not an integral part of baseball’s first official policy in 1971, Kuhn left the option open to punish players who broke the law. Rumors of drug use concerning baseball players became public knowledge and the public demanded that baseball react to its problem by punishing players who took illicit drugs. Bill “Spaceman” Lee, Ferguson Jenkins, Steve Howe, and Pascual Perez pushed against Kuhn’s drug policies and found themselves fined or suspended. The MLBPA pushed back against these punishments when independent arbitrators agreed with the MLBPA that the commissioner overreached on some punishments.
Despite the battles with the MLBPA, the league and the union agreed on a groundbreaking drug program in 1984. The resulting 1984 Joint Drug Agreement, the first of its kind in professional sports, allowed only “reasonable-cause” testing for players suspected of recreational drug use. The agreement received very little praise from Commissioner Kuhn once he inserted his own disciplinary provisions to the plan. Kuhn felt that the plan had no long term effectiveness because it did not include mandatory testing for major league players. Kuhn thought the game needed the plan and saw it as an important first step in permanently eradicating drug use from the game despite the plans shortcomings.
The MLBPA became a huge thorn in the side starting in the 1970s. They pushed back against complete control that the owners had long placed on their players. The union helped propel salaries upward significantly by winning free agency rights for players in 1975. Skyrocketing salaries after 1975 gave baseball players more celebrity status and a sense of financial immunity against the commissioner’s office and league rules regarding drug use. This made baseball players less relatable to the public and helped create a large rift between the two sides. The cocaine scandals of the 1980s in Kansas City and later Pittsburgh showed just how out of hand cocaine had become in Major League Baseball in the 1980s.
Chapter three continues the story of baseball’s rampant drug problems in the 1980s by focusing on Commissioner Peter Ueberroth’s administration and his battles with the MLBPA. Baseball’s biggest drug scandal up to the 1980s broke out in Pittsburgh as players from all over the league were called to testify. The players were all given immunity, but their testimony showed how bad the cocaine scandal in baseball had become. Commissioner Ueberroth punished players involved but still did not get any traction on getting the MLBPA to agree on a tougher drug program that included testing for major league players to replace the 1984 Joint Drug Agreement that the owners and the commissioner canceled during the 1985 World Series.
Ueberroth demanded that baseball personnel live within the parameters of federal and state drug laws and wanted all those involved in baseball, including the players to set an example for the rest of society to emulate when it came to fighting drugs. Despite having no league wide plan for major league players, Ueberroth declared before Congress in May 1986 that baseball had brought itself back to respectability since the Pittsburgh Drug Trials. Baseball’s drug scandals were over, Ueberroth stated. “You are not going to hear about any baseball scandals from this day forward.” The sports world found Ueberroth’s stance questionable because of the absolute defiance of the MLBPA to address players’ drug problems pragmatically and to work with management to create a tougher uniform league-wide policy that included testing for major league players. The league also began to suspect that players had moved beyond simple recreational drug use. New drugs that dramatically improved performance on the field seemed to be the up and coming trend in the game.
A complete break in trust between the public and ballplayers continued in the 1990s and beyond with the emergence of the anabolic steroid problem in baseball. Individuals such as Jose Canseco and Mark McGwire achieved celebrity status and represented a new type of player totally un-relatable to the fans. One of baseball’s most enduring qualities was in how fans often saw current players as reflections of their own playing memories. Steroids and other PEDs changed these sorts of shared moments of memory and leisure. Mark McGwire, Barry Bonds, and Jose Canseco did not remind the fans of themselves. These players looked more like chiseled body builders or football players. One player, Kenneth Gene Caminiti, told Tom Verducci of Sports Illustrated in 2002 just how bad the problem had gotten. Chapter four shows how his honesty fundamentally changed baseball forever and forced the game to finally come to grips with its drug problem. “I felt like Superman,” Caminiti told Verducci. Caminiti described how steroids made him feel stronger and faster. Caminiti then told him how steroids changed the rest of his season. He hit more home runs in the second half of that 1996 season than he had ever hit in a full season. Steroids were the fuel behind him winning the National League MVP honors that season.
Too often historians have focused on the 1990s and beyond as simply a story of how PEDs dramatically changed the game forever. Historians have often overlooked or failed to place recreational drugs in this larger story of how players continued to abuse drugs alongside the rapid proliferation of PEDs in the 1990s and beyond. Chapter four focuses primarily on how PEDs impacted the game but also reminds readers that recreational drugs remained a part of the game.
The second half of chapter four examines how baseball responded to its emerging PED problem. Commissioner Bud Selig and MLBPA executive director Donald Fehr found themselves in front of Congress answering questions concerning the validity of Ken Caminiti’s claims. They also wanted answers to claims made by Jose Canseco, whose 2005 book, Juiced, put the number of steroid users at over half the league. The federal government placed direct threats to baseball to clean up its act and implement league-wide testing or have the government do it for them. Starting in 2002, the league implemented testing for major league players. The tests and penalties became more stringent as more scandals involving PEDs became public. By the time of Bud Selig’s retirement in 2015, the former commissioner sounded like Peter Ueberroth in the 1980s by making the hollow claim that baseball was cleaner than ever.
The claim that baseball’s “PED Era” and problem with drugs were over, the conclusion shows just how wrong Bud Selig was in his declaration. Drug use in baseball had become more advanced and harder to trace. The cheaters continued to push the boundaries of human performance through scientific breakthroughs that created more options for cheaters to defy the advanced testing. Alongside this problem and with PED testing becoming more advanced, a cocaine and recreational drug culture re-emerged within baseball clubhouses. The story of Josh Hamilton shows just how problematic recreational drugs could be for players who look for an escape from the pressures of Major League Baseball. Despite the two decades of fighting PEDs in baseball and the several decades before that fighting drug usage, the game still found itself as dirty as ever with the stink of drug use. Nothing had been eradicated. Drugs remained an integral part of the game as they had been back to the first days of professionalization in the 1870s.
Ron LeFlore’s life before he decided to make a career out of baseball seemed destined for unfulfilled dreams and prison time. He grew up in Detroit’s tough east side surrounded by criminal influences. His life at a very early age involved shoplifting and illicit drug use. He became emboldened by his ability to avoid capture when he broke the law. He wrote in his 1978 autobiography Breakout: From Prison to the Big Leagues, “Stealing was my specialty. As far back as I can remember, I was stealing things and getting away with it. … Every time I went into a store I would steal something, even if it was just a rubber ball or one of those ten-cent miniature pies, just to show the other kids I could do it. Sometimes I would steal for the thrill of it. I got away with so much stuff that I began to believe I couldn’t get caught. Usually everything I did was right out in the open, too. I thought I was the Invisible Man.” His luck ran out on a cold night in January 1970 when, he and two friends, coming off a heroin high, got caught trying to rob a neighborhood bar. LeFlore carried the rifle during the robbery and so he received a harsh penalty of five-to-fifteen-years for armed robbery.
LeFlore entered Jackson State Prison on April 28, 1970 at the age of twenty-one, where he spent most of his first year in confinement because he often challenged authority and rejected work assignments. Two years later, LeFlore had undergone something of a transformation. He started to play organized baseball in prison. His athletic skill on the diamond caught the attention of fellow prison mate. Jimmy Karalla, whose acquaintances outside of prison included Jimmy Butsicaris, co-owner of Detroit’s popular Lindell Athletic Club. Local Detroit sports celebrities including Detroit Tigers manager Billy Martin, frequented the club. The friendship between Martin and Butsicaris helped secure LeFlore a tryout for the Tigers during a weekend furlough from prison in June 1973.
LeFlore impressed the Tigers so much that they offered him a minor league contract upon his release from prison on July 2, 1973, for the remainder of the season. Detroit Tigers manager Jim Leyland was impressed by LeFlore and helped the former convict transition to life as a big league player. “When I was told I was going to get him, frankly, I didn’t know what to expect. I presumed you could have all sorts of problems with a kid on parole. Could he cross state lines with the ball club? Did I have to keep him out of bars and pool halls? What happened if a brawl broke out on the field and he piled on?”
LeFlore proved to be a formidable player that continued to specialize in stealing. Instead of stealing items that got him in trouble with the law, LeFlore started stealing bases in large numbers for the major league club once he joined the Tigers big-league team at the end of the 1974 season. His ability to steal bases and hit for a good average netted him an appearance in the 1976 All-Star Game. LeFlore stole 455 bases during his nine-year career and led the league twice with sixty-eight steals in 1978 and ninety-eight steals in 1980 as a member of the Montreal Expos.
LeFlore’s career seemed destined for great things, but his vices from his early life crept back into his life once again as a MLB player. By the 1979 season, LeFlore was reportedly using drugs again. The new manager for the Tigers, Sparky Anderson, wanted no part of the ex-convict’s current drug problems or the types of characters that were coming into the Tigers clubhouse to see LeFlore, so the team traded the budding star to Montreal during the 1979 winter meetings. Commissioner Kuhn questioned LeFlore in 1980 for statements that the player made about his reported marijuana use. “I’ll take a hit of marijuana which everyone does,” LeFlore said in an interview with Inside Sports. “Even Bowie Kuhn probably does,” LeFlore said. After the 1982 season, as a member of the Chicago White Sox, Chicago detectives arrested LeFlore after a three-month surveillance. LeFlore had 5.5 grams of Quaaludes and a variety of stimulants on him at the time of his arrest. The arrest prompted the White Sox to suspend LeFlore with pay for the remainder of the season. The arrest and suspension from the team essentially ended LeFlore’s professional career. Three decades later, LeFlore reflected back on how his major league career could have been different. He insisted that if baseball offered him guidance at the beginning of his career, he might have had a much more successful career. “I really needed guidance and I didn’t get that. How come I couldn’t have gotten that guidance when I first came up? But I just didn’t have the guidance that I should have had. I had no support from anybody. I don’t know if they were afraid, because I was an ex-inmate, but nobody ever went out of their way to really help me. And I needed somebody. I really did. I really needed some help and some guidance, considering where I came from. And I didn’t get it.” LeFlore lamented. He said that if given the opportunity to play baseball his whole life, he said things might have turned out a lot different for him. “Just think if I had played baseball as a kid instead of running the streets. Just think if I had improved my baseball skills instead of going to prison. How good could I have been? Who knows, if I had gotten that guidance that I needed, if I had known what was going on in society, I could have had some Hall of Fame stats.”
LeFlore’s life and early baseball career became the subject of a 1978 film One in a Million: The Ron LeFlore Story, starring LeVar Burton. The film focused on LeFlore’s life and rise to the Major Leagues. The movie painted a strong anti-drug message that reflected the drug scourge evident in so many cities nationwide during the 1970s. The movie featured the troubled life not only of LeFlore but also the troubles of his younger brother Gerald. One scene in particular spoke to just how hard life was for LeFlore in escaping his troubled past and getting away from the streets of Detroit where he felt his troubles began. LeFlore, once a major leaguer, came home after a long road trip and found his brother at home under the care of his parents, coming off a drug high. “The streets talking to me man,” Gerald tells LeFlore. “I can hear it talking.” LeFlore was powerless to stop the downward spin of his younger brother’s life, despite his success as a major leaguer. He told Gerald to keep fighting. “I want you to watch those box scores because it’s all about the battle now Gerald. Me in the streets and we’ll see who wins.” LeFlore’s message was evident to his younger brother. Baseball players could beat drugs. Baseball could beat the streets. But, the question lingered, and as I examine in this study, could baseball and its players beat drugs or were they powerless to stop drugs from destroying the game from within?
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Newspapers
Atlanta Daily World
Bangor Daily News
Baltimore Sun
Chicago Daily Defender
Chicago Sun-Times
Chicago Tribune
Daily Boston Globe
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Houston Chronicle
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Ottawa Citizen
New York Times
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The Sun
Sunday Business Post
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Wall Street Journal
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Elysian Field Quarterly
Ethics & Behavior
Houston History
Iron Game History
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The Literary Digest
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Sports Illustrated
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Field, Madalynne, Claire Merritt Hodgson, and Babe Ruth. 1937. Fancy Curves. Los Angeles, CA: Foy Productions Ltd. (Short)
Field, Todd, Kurt Russell, and Rob Nelson. 2014. The Battered Bastards of Baseball. Netflix Studios.
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