Pay it forward or Gratitude Peer Reviewed Journals

Pay it forward or Gratitude Peer Reviewed Journals Detailed information of the 6 acts (Pay it Forward/Gratitude) that the student participated in throughout the course

Pay it forward or Gratitude Peer Reviewed Journals
Pay it forward or Gratitude Peer Reviewed Journals

How this activity helped the student and what they plan on doing with it in the future

The addition of 2 researched facts (citation in any format as long as it is consistent) that support the student’s paper on how it will help them going forward ñ facts must come from peer-reviewed journals and/or book chapters (other than your textbook). Humans often forward kindness received from others to strangers, a phenomenon called the upstream or pay-it-forward indirect reciprocity. Some field observations and laboratory experiments found evidence of pay-it-forward reciprocity in which chains of cooperative acts persist in social dilemma situations.

Journal Articles of Biological Philosophy

Journal Articles of Biological Philosophy Understanding and analysis of the journal articles

Journal Articles of Biological Philosophy
Journal Articles of Biological Philosophy
  1. This is an essay on the analysis and understanding of four journal articles of biological philosophy.
  2. You need to select four articles from the six journal articles I selected and analyze and summarize what they wrote.
  3. You’ll need to read enough of each article’s content to understand the basics of what is argued.
  4. Create an annotated bibliography. Once you’ve researched and selected four sources create a list that includes a 100 to 150 summary of each. The summaries should enable anyone unfamiliar with the articles to understand what they’re about.
  5. Create a document file which includes a) your three questions and a list of MLA-format citations of your four annotated sources.

Change management Journal and Essay

Change management Journal and Essay
Change management Journal and Essay

Change management Journal and Essay

There are two assignments here. The first assignment need to be done as a journal paper – around 8 pages.

Assignment two is an essay format.

INDIVIDUAL CASE STUDY II (30%)
Instruction

i. Marks: 30%
– Report : 30% (submit in Schoology)
ii. Due date: 12th May 2019

– Discuss the following topic based on your organization with comprehensive analyse:
i. Image of Change Management
ii. Vision and the Direction of Change

– Due date submission: 12th May 2019

Format: Base on attachment format

Format Individual Assignment

Project Paper’s Title Starts Here: Please Center
use Helvetica (Arial) 14
FULL First Author1, a
1Matrix No. Student

Abstract – please use Times Roman (Times New Roman) 12
Summarize project paper.
Introduction (Background of Organization)
All manuscripts must be in English. Please keep a second copy of your manuscript in your office (just in case anything gets lost in the mail). When receiving the manuscript, we assume that the corresponding authors grant us the copyright to use the manuscript for the book or journal in question. Should authors use tables or figures from other Publications, they must ask the corresponding publishers to grant them the right to publish this material in their paper.
Use italic for emphasizing a word or phrase. Do not uses boldface typing or capital letters except for section headings (cf. remarks on section headings, below). Use a laser printer, not a matrix dot printer.

Images of Change Management
All manuscripts must be in English. Please keep a second copy of your manuscript in your office (just in case anything gets lost in the mail). When receiving the manuscript, we assume that the corresponding authors grant us the copyright to use the manuscript for the book or journal in question. Should authors use tables or figures from other Publications, they must ask the corresponding publishers to grant them the right to publish this material in their paper.
Use italic for emphasizing a word or phrase. Do not uses boldface typing or capital letters except for section headings (cf. remarks on section headings, below). Use a laser printer, not a matrix dot printer

Vision and the Direction of Change
All manuscripts must be in English. Please keep a second copy of your manuscript in your office (just in case anything gets lost in the mail). When receiving the manuscript, we assume that the corresponding authors grant us the copyright to use the manuscript for the book or journal in question. Should authors use tables or figures from other Publications, they must ask the corresponding publishers to grant them the right to publish this material in their paper.
Use italic for emphasizing a word or phrase. Do not uses boldface typing or capital letters except for section headings (cf. remarks on section headings, below). Use a laser printer, not a matrix dot printer

Conclusion
Based on project finding and recommendation relate to marketing.

References (APA Style)
[1] Dj.M. Maric, P.F. Meier and S.K. Estreicher: Mater. Sci. Forum Vol. 83-87 (1992), p. 119
[2] M.A. Green: High Efficiency Silicon Solar Cells (Trans Tech Publications, Switzerland 1987).
[3] Y. Mishing, in: Diffusion Processes in Advanced Technological Materials, edtied by D. Gupta Noyes Publications/William Andrew Publising, Norwich, NY (2004), in press.
[4] G. Henkelman, G.Johannesson and H. Jónsson, in: Theoretical Methods in Condencsed Phase Chemistry, edited by S.D. Schwartz, volume 5 of Progress in Theoretical Chemistry and Physics, chapter, 10, Kluwer Academic Publishers (2000).
[5] R.J. Ong, J.T. Dawley and P.G. Clem: submitted to Journal of Materials Research (2003)
[6] P.G. Clem, M. Rodriguez, J.A. Voigt and C.S. Ashley, U.S. Patent 6,231,666. (2001)
[7] Information on http://www.weld.labs.gov.cn

INDIVIDUAL CASE STUDY I (30%)
Instruction

i. Marks: 30%
– Report : 30% (submit in Schoology)
ii. Due date: 12th May 2019

– Discuss the following topic based on your organization with comprehensive analyse:
i. Change Communication Strategies
ii. Model of Change Management Using in Organization
iii. Change Management Competencies

– Due date submission: 12th May 2019

Format: Base on attachment format

Format Individual Assignment

Project Paper’s Title Starts Here: Please Center
use Helvetica (Arial) 14
FULL First Author1, a
1Matrix No. Student

Abstract – please use Times Roman (Times New Roman) 12

Summarize project paper.

Introduction (Background of Organization)
All manuscripts must be in English. Please keep a second copy of your manuscript in your office (just in case anything gets lost in the mail). When receiving the manuscript, we assume that the corresponding authors grant us the copyright to use the manuscript for the book or journal in question. Should authors use tables or figures from other Publications, they must ask the corresponding publishers to grant them the right to publish this material in their paper.
Use italic for emphasizing a word or phrase. Do not uses boldface typing or capital letters except for section headings (cf. remarks on section headings, below). Use a laser printer, not a matrix dot printer.

Change Communication Strategies
All manuscripts must be in English. Please keep a second copy of your manuscript in your office (just in case anything gets lost in the mail). When receiving the manuscript, we assume that the corresponding authors grant us the copyright to use the manuscript for the book or journal in question. Should authors use tables or figures from other Publications, they must ask the corresponding publishers to grant them the right to publish this material in their paper.
Use italic for emphasizing a word or phrase. Do not uses boldface typing or capital letters except for section headings (cf. remarks on section headings, below). Use a laser printer, not a matrix dot printer

Model of Change Management Using in Organization
All manuscripts must be in English. Please keep a second copy of your manuscript in your office (just in case anything gets lost in the mail). When receiving the manuscript, we assume that the corresponding authors grant us the copyright to use the manuscript for the book or journal in question. Should authors use tables or figures from other Publications, they must ask the corresponding publishers to grant them the right to publish this material in their paper.
Use italic for emphasizing a word or phrase. Do not uses boldface typing or capital letters except for section headings (cf. remarks on section headings, below). Use a laser printer, not a matrix dot printer

Change Management Competencies
All manuscripts must be in English. Please keep a second copy of your manuscript in your office (just in case anything gets lost in the mail). When receiving the manuscript, we assume that the corresponding authors grant us the copyright to use the manuscript for the book or journal in question. Should authors use tables or figures from other Publications, they must ask the corresponding publishers to grant them the right to publish this material in their paper.
Use italic for emphasizing a word or phrase. Do not uses boldface typing or capital letters except for section headings (cf. remarks on section headings, below). Use a laser printer, not a matrix dot printer

Conclusion
Based on project finding and recommendation relate to marketing.

References (APA Style)

[1] Dj.M. Maric, P.F. Meier and S.K. Estreicher: Mater. Sci. Forum Vol. 83-87 (1992), p. 119

[2] M.A. Green: High Efficiency Silicon Solar Cells (Trans Tech Publications, Switzerland 1987).

[3] Y. Mishing, in: Diffusion Processes in Advanced Technological Materials, edtied by D. Gupta Noyes Publications/William Andrew Publising, Norwich, NY (2004), in press.

[4] G. Henkelman, G.Johannesson and H. Jónsson, in: Theoretical Methods in Condencsed Phase Chemistry, edited by S.D. Schwartz, volume 5 of Progress in Theoretical Chemistry and Physics, chapter, 10, Kluwer Academic Publishers (2000).

[5] R.J. Ong, J.T. Dawley and P.G. Clem: submitted to Journal of Materials Research (2003)

[6] P.G. Clem, M. Rodriguez, J.A. Voigt and C.S. Ashley, U.S. Patent 6,231,666. (2001)

[7] Information on http://www.weld.labs.gov.cn

We can write this or a similar paper for you! Simply fill the order form!

Communication journal Assignment

Communication journal
Communication journal

Communication journal

Write a 350- to 700-word journal entry in the narrative style.

Describe the flow of information in your company, or in a company at which you have been employed. In your journal, discuss the following:

  • The intrapersonal, interpersonal, group, organizational, and intercultural levels of communication within your company
  • How information travels up, down, and across your organization, and how it relates to the basic communications model
  • The functions of the Y hierarchy of managerial communications. Does it apply to your organization’s communication hierarchy?
  • A comparison of at least three managerial communication approaches you have observed in your organization

At least three potential barriers to effective communications that exist in your company

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East West Catholicism and Schism Journal Article

East West Catholicism and Schism Journal Article Please use five academic sources

East West Catholicism and Schism Journal Article
East West Catholicism and Schism Journal Article

(include scholarly books or journal articles), I already find five of them (2 of them are links cause I could’t download them, and 3 of them are PDF).

East West Catholicism and Schism Journal Article Thesis statements

Ï Argument

Ï Not simply be a description of your essay

Ï Should not contain a value judgment about a religion, tradition, or practice

Using both citations (in-text citations) and paraphrase in each paragraph.

Essay Topic 2: Catholicism & Schism

For this research essay, students will select a particular schism (ie. East-West schism or the Protestant Reformation) and explain/argue how these splits affected the Catholic Church and what kind of changes were implemented as a result. This essay should address the following questions: What were the main issues that caused the schism? How did political or economic issues influence the outcome of the schism? What changes resulted within Catholic theology or ritual practice because of the schism? How did the schism change Catholic self-definition or religious identity?

Developing a Reflective Journal Entry Assignment

Developing a Reflective Journal Entry Assignment Criteria for developing a reflective journal entry:

Developing a Reflective Journal Entry Assignment
Developing a Reflective Journal Entry Assignment
  1. Requirement: The student will express their comprehension of the nursing process in the reflective journal.

Choose to write about any aspect(s) of practice which:

Ï Feel the intervention made a difference in a client outcome

Ï Feel went unusually well

Ï Feel did not go as planned

Ï Think captures the essence of nursing practice

  1. Requirement: The student will identify the following elements in the reflective journal.

The focus should be on the nursing practice

Ï What was going on (the context of the situation)?

Developing a Reflective Journal Entry Assignment

O Shift, time of day, resources, the clinical scenario

Ï What happened?

O Detailed description of situation/incident/experience

Ï Why is this incident important?

Ï What were the concerns at the time?

O What thoughts and feeling during and after the experience?

O What influenced the decision-making?

O What, if anything, was the most demanding aspect of this experience?

O What was unexpected?

  1. Requirement: The student will analyze the positive and negative aspects of their learning.

Choose to write about the following:

Ï A reflection or evaluation of the situation showing the competencies and expertise used (skilled communication, teaching, leadership). Support these with current evidence-based practice literature.

Ï What were actions taken? Include not just, what was done, but also, more importantly, the rationale for the actions. Support these with current evidence-based practice literature

Ï What new knowledge or insights were gained? How would make recommendations for change in practice?

Developing a Reflective Journal Entry Assignment

Ï Provide references to show evidence-based practice (see guidelines below)

Ï Was anything learned? If so what?

Ï Consider another way to manage nursing practice as it relates to this experience? Has the nursing practice changed in any way?

  1. Requirement: The student will follow these guidelines

Ï Utilizing the above guidelines for contextual writing; complete two (2) journal entries throughout NUR 4180 (See AAG for assignment due dates).

Ï Journal entries should exceed no more than two (2) pages in length (not including reference page).

Ï Journal entries should include a minimum of two (2) citations from a peer-reviewed, evidence-based journal. The inclusion of evidence-based practice is an integral part of learning, critical thinking and growth, therefore, must be relevant to the journal topic and shows relevant learning.

Ï Journal to follow 6th edition APA guidelines and should include a title page, the body of the journal, reference page

Practicum experience time log and journal template

Practicum experience time log and journal
Practicum experience time log and journal

Practicum experience time log and journal template

Practicum – Week 1 Journal Entry
As a future advanced practice nurse, it is important that you are able to connect your classroom experience to your practicum experience. By applying the concepts you study in the classroom to clinical settings, you enhance your professional competency. Each week, you complete an Assignment that prompts you to reflect on your practicum experiences and relate them to the material presented in the classroom. This week, you begin documenting your practicum experiences in your Practicum Journal.

Learning Objectives
Students will:
Analyze nursing and counseling theories to guide practice in psychotherapy*
Develop goals and objectives for personal practicum experiences*
Create timelines for practicum activities*
* The Assignment related to this Learning Objective is introduced this week and submitted in Week 4.

In preparation for this course’s practicum experience, address the following in your Practicum Journal:

Review the media Clinical Interview: Intake, Assessment,& Therapeutic Alliance in your Learning Resources.
Select one nursing theory and one counseling theory to best guide your practice in psychotherapy.
Note: For guidance on nursing and counseling theories, refer to the Wheeler textbook in this week’s Learning Resources.

Explain why you selected these theories. Support your approach with evidence-based literature.
Develop at least three goals and at least three objectives for the practicum experience in this course.
Create a timeline of practicum activities based on your practicum requirements.
Note: Be sure to use the Practicum Journal Template, located in this week’s Learning Resources.

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Experience of interpersonal interaction

Experience of interpersonal interaction
Experience of interpersonal interaction

Experience of interpersonal interaction

Each student is expected to maintain a journal on their learnings. The individual reflection
consists of two parts. First, each student is required to share a picture (at least A4 size) and
provide a brief explanation about WHY that picture best represents the subject they are studying.
Students are required to share the picture in the last lecture after the final quiz. Three highlights
of explanation, less than 80 characters each, should be listed under the picture.
Students can choose to focus their reflection on one or more specific concepts, theories or issues raised in any of the lectures. You can also reflect on your own experience of interpersonal interaction in this course and group project. The reflection paper can be up to 800 words excluding references if there are any.

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Weekly Journal Sociology Transgender Study

Weekly Journal Sociology Transgender Study An important aspect of this course is keeping up with course readings and coming to class prepared to discuss these readings.

Weekly Journal Sociology Transgender Study
Weekly Journal Sociology Transgender Study

To facilitate this process, each class for which there is assigned reading due you must submit a reading synopsis and response in your Reading Journal on Blackboard before class. For each entry, you will type a one-page synopsis of the readings, followed by a one-page response (you are welcome to write more, but are not required to do so). You will also come up with at least three discussion questions related to the readings. You should label each section (i.e. Summary, Response, Discussion Questions).

Make sure that your entries address the readings as a whole. The best way to do this is by synthesizing the readings. Do not simply think about each reading individually, but also think about why I assigned them together and how they relate to one another. In other words, identify what the readings have in common, focusing on key themes, arguments, points, and concepts.

Weekly Journal Sociology Transgender Study

While the summary is a synopsis of the readings, your response section should engage more critically with the readings. You can respond to the readings as a whole or a particular aspect of one or more of the readings. Some ideas for your response section include: offering a critique or counterargument; relating the reading to other course material; relating the reading to current events or personal experience; discussing new questions or issues that emerged from your reading.

In the discussion question section, pose a minimum of three questions related to the week’s reading. What questions does the material raise for me? What aspects or issues raised in the reading would you like to explore in class? What confused you? What would you like to know more about? Questions should primarily take the form of clarification and development (i.e. questions about concepts or points in the materials that you were unclear about and/or that you think were important and would like to further address in class) or discussion (i.e. questions related to the materials that could form the basis of a discussion in class and that you would like to pose to your classmates). Questions that can help facilitate a discussion of central points, concepts, arguments, theories, etc. in the readings are highly encouraged. Further-research questions (i.e. questions raised by the course materials that require further research/reading to answer) are also welcome, though questions of this type should be included in addition to rather than in place of the minimum three clarification, development, and discussion questions.

Weekly Journal Sociology Transgender Study

Journal entries should demonstrate to me that you have done the reading and engaged with it in a meaningful way. We will use your entries to guide class discussion. As such, please bring a copy with you to class. Late entries are not accepted, nor will entries be accepted in lieu of attendance.

Training and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

Something happened in 2003–4: transsexuals and transsexuality in Iran suddenly became a hot media topic, both in Iran and internationally.

The medical practice of sex change by means of surgery and hormones dates to at least the early 1970s in Iran; for nearly three decades the topic had received occasional coverage in the Iranian press, including a series of reports (presumably based on real lives) published in a popular magazine, Rah-i zindigi (Path of Life), beginning in 1999.1

Iranian press coverage of “trans-” phenomena increased sharply in early 2003, however,

and it has continued intensely ever since—sometimes the reports directly address transsexuals and transsexuality, and sometimes they pertain to them in the context of other people marked as “vulnerable to social harm,” such as prostitutes (both male and female) and runaway girls, who reportedly live trans-dressed lives. It was these last two topics that drew the attention of documentary filmmaker Mitra Farahani to the subject of transsexuals in Iran. Her documentary Just a Woman won international acclaim at the 2002 Berlin Gay and Lesbian Film Festival and elsewhere and seems to have ignited broader international attention to

the issue of transsexuality in Iran. A flurry of articles appeared in the world press in 2004–5. The Guardian, for example, wrote on July 27, 2005, that “today, the Islamic Republic of Iran occupies the unlikely role of global leader for sex change,” adding, “Iran has even become a magnet for patients from eastern European and Arab countries seeking to change their genders.” A number of television documentaries in France, Sweden, Holland, and the United Kingdom followed, as well as several independent documentary film productions (Abdo 2000; Eqbali 2004; Fathi 2004; McDowall and Khan 2004; Harrison 2005; Stack 2005; Tait 2005).

The celebratory tone of many of these reports—welcoming recognition

of transsexuality and the permissibility of sex change operations—is

Afsaneh Najmabadi

[WSQ: Women’s Studies Quarterly 36: 3 & 4 (Fall/Winter 2008)]

© 2008 by Afsaneh Najmabadi. All rights reserved.

24 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

sometimes mixed with an element of surprise: How could this be happening

in an Islamic state? In other accounts, the sanctioning of transsexuality

is tightly framed by comparisons with punishments for sodomy

and the presumed illegality of homosexuality—echoing, as we shall see,

some of the official thinking in Iran. 2

While transsexual surgeries are not new in Iran, over the past decade

such operations seem to have increased not only in publicity, but also in

actual frequency. At the first national symposium on transsexuality,

“Studying Gender Identity Disorder,” held in the northeastern provincial

capital of Mashhad in May 2005, Dr. Aliriza Kahani, from the National

Legal Medical Board, reported that in the fifteen years between 1987 and

2001, 200 males and 70 females had submitted sex change petitions to the

board, and 214 had been approved. Over the following four years,

between 2001 and 2004, another 200 petitions had been received (Shakhis,

May 24, 2005). 3 Anecdotal statistics from a private sex change clinic in

Tehran point to similar increases—for the period 1985–95, 125 of 153

clients went through partial or full sex change operations; in the decade

that followed, the numbers increased to 200 surgeries in a client population

of 210.

Weekly Journal Sociology Transgender Study

The increasing frequency of sex change petitions and operations is

not an unproblematically positive development, empowering though this

trend has been for transsexuals. Many political challenges are posed by

framing transsexuality within a dominant mapping of sexuality that

explicitly renders as diseased, abnormal, deviant, and at times criminal any

sexual or gender nonconformity (including transsexuality itself, as well as

same-sex desires and practices). For legal and medical authorities, sex

change surgeries are explicitly framed as the cure for a diseased abnormality,

and on occasion they are proposed as a religio-legally sanctioned

option for heteronormalizing people with same-sex desires or practices.

Weekly Journal Sociology Transgender Study

Even though this possible option has not become state policy (because

official discourse is also invested in making an essential distinction between

transsexuals and homosexuals), recent international media coverage of

transsexuality in Iran increasingly emphasizes the possibility that sex-reassignment

surgery (SRS) is being performed coercively on Iranian homosexuals

by a fundamentalist Islamic government (Ireland 2007). This

narrative framing (along with similar ones concerning the suppression of

women’s rights and other political and labor struggles) circulates within

larger reductive and totalizing Euro-American discourses on Iran and

Najmabadi ¦ 2 5

Islam that equate them both with the most conservative factions of the

Iranian government and with the views of the most fundamentalist Islamists.

Conservative forces in both Iran and the West have a common

stake in ignoring the lively reform discourse and history of progressive

activism within contemporary Iran that offers alternative notions of rights

within an Islamic society and of alternative modes of living a Muslim

life.

Weekly Journal Sociology Transgender Study

While the pressures on gays and lesbians in Iran to transition from

one gender to another are very real, these pressures are not produced primarily

by fear of criminality. 4 On the contrary: the religio-legal framework

of transsexuality has been productive of paradoxical, and certainly

unintended, effects that at times benefit homosexuals. Simply put, the

religio-legal prohibition of same-sex practices does contribute to pressures

on gays and lesbians to consider transsexuality as a religiously sanctioned

legal alternative (which is particularly important for religiously

observant persons), but instead of eliminating same-sex desires and practices,

it has actually provided more room for relatively safer semipublic gay

and lesbian social space and for less conflicted self-perceptions among

people with same-sex desires and practices. As one pre-op FtM (femaleto-male

transsexual) succinctly put it: “Once I was diagnosed as TS (transsexual),

I started having sex with my girlfriend without feeling guilty.”

A Brief History of Transsexuality in Iran

Some of the earliest discussions in Iran of transgenderism and transsexuality

appeared in the 1940s, within a body of popular marital and parental

advice literature translated into Persian (largely from American popularpsychology

authors, such as David Rubin and George Hearth), in which

discussions of love, desire, sex, and marriage supplied occasions to write

about gender disidentification, homosexuality, intersex conditions, and

sex change. (Some of the earliest discussions of transgenderism and transsexuality

in Europe and the United States appeared in these very same

sources.)5

Surgeries to alter congenital intersex conditions were reported

in the Iranian press as early as 1930 (Ittila‘at, October 27, 1930), and the

intensification of reporting on these surgeries in the 19

26 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

The earliest nonintersex sex change surgery reported in the Iranian press

(that I have found so far) dates to February 1973 (Kayhan, February 17,

1973), and by the early 1970s, at least one hospital in Tehran and one in

Shiraz were carrying out SRS. A 1976 report by Dr. Kariminizhad of

Jahanshah Saleh Women’s Hospital stated that over the previous three

years, some fifty persons with transsexual tendencies had been seen at the

hospital and that twenty of them had gone through SRS (Kayhan, October

11, 1976). Around the same time, the Medical Association of Iran

(MAI), a professional state-affiliated organization of physicians, began discussing

the medical ethics of surgical sex change. In a 1976 decision, the

MAI declared that sex change operations, except in intersex cases, were

ethically unacceptable—a ruling that was not reversed for more than a

decade.

As early as 1967, Ayatollah Khomeini had published a fatwa sanctioning

sex change, but this ruling, issued by a dissident Khomeini then

still living in exile in Iraq, did not influence the policies of legal or medical

institutions in Iran (Khomeini 1967, vol. 2, 753–55). There is no unanimity

of opinion among leading clerics in Iran on the issue of

transsexuality. Numerically speaking, the majority of opinion-issuing

clerics consider only intersex surgeries to be acceptable unequivocally.

The opinion that ultimately matters, however, is that of the cleric(s) in

political power, regardless of relative religious authority. The historically

specific relationship between jurisprudential and political authority that

has characterized Iran since the early 1980s translates clerical opinion,

sanctioned through a complex legal process, into law. With Ayatollah

Khomeini as a politically unchallenged supreme authority after the 1979

revolution until his death in 1989, the reissuance in 1985 of his 1967

fatwa on SRS, in Persian this time rather than Arabic, set in motion the

process that culminated in new state-sanctioned medicolegal procedures

regarding transsexuality.6

From the earliest pronouncement to present-day opinions, reflections

on transsexual surgery in Iran seem to have been informed in part

by linking these bodily changes to similar questions posed about intersex

bodies. Classical Islamic discourse categorized every human body as either

male or female, yet accepted the possibility that in the case of hermaphrodites

it was difficult and at times impossible to determine the body’s

“true genus” (kind or type).7

Jurisprudents then elaborated rules of behavior

to deal with the possible threat of gender transgressions that such

Najmabadi ¦ 2 7

impossibility of knowing would produce (Sanders 1991). In its modern

reconfiguration, jurisprudents argued that new medical sciences could

help unravel the puzzle of proper genus in difficult cases of hermaphroditism

and that medical technology could correct the manifestation of

that genus.

Importantly, by the 1960s, the approval of medicalized means for

manifesting the proper genus of the hermaphroditic body converged

with, and eventually (in the post-1979 period) acted as, religious sanction

for the emerging medico-psycho-behavioral discourse on gender and

sexual dimorphism. Not only did the true sex become knowable in spite

of ambiguous genitalia, a determinate relation between gender identification,

gender role behavior, sexual desire, and subjective gender identity

was envisioned for each and every body. The convergence of these discourses

consolidated a powerful religio-legal-psycho-medical notion of

“unnatural and deviant” sexualities that now circulates in the Iranian

national press, in religious texts, in biomedical and psychological writings,

and in marital and parental advice literature. With the establishment

and consolidation of the Islamic Republic in the 1980s, this discourse

gained state support, finance, and force of law, providing the conditions

of possibility for transsexuality in Iran on a new scale, while setting the

contours within which transsexuals fight their battles and live their lives,

often with imaginative successes, and at other times with frustration and

terrible loss.

The “trans-friendly” jurisprudential discourse on transsexuality that

began as an elaboration on intersex discourse now approves of transsexuality

on the discretionary grounds that it has not been specifically forbidden

in the Qur’an. Invoking a distinction between the physical body and

the soul, this discourse argues that in most people there is harmony

between the two, but that in a small number of people a disharmony produces

transsexuality; since we cannot change a person’s soul, but medical

advances have made it possible to change a person’s body, transsexual surgery

is a permissible solution to this disharmony between soul and body.

As a discretionary matter, SRS is not required—or even recommended—

for a person diagnosed as transsexual, unless a religiously observant transsexual

fears falling into sinful deeds.8

Some of the more accepting people

among the friends and kin of transsexuals have come to terms with transsexuality

through understanding it as a “wonder of creation,” or sign of

God’s power. Some trans-friendly and gay-friendly psychotherapists use

28 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

the same language in working with families. While this may sound to

many of us terribly “essentialist,” I have come to hear it as an alternatively

enabling script, especially as compared with the more dominant

(and no less essentialist) psychomedical discourse.

Public knowledge of transsexuality has been shaped not only by jurisprudential

and biomedical discourses, but also by intensive coverage in

the Iranian press (and to some extent by satellite television broadcasts). In

addition to the previously mentioned reports in Rah-i zindigi, the topic of

transsexuality has been covered in a number of magazines, such as Zanan

and Chilchiraq, and important dailies, such as I‘timad-i melli, I‘timad, Hamshahri,

and Sharq, where long articles and interviews have appeared in

medical and science sections. The “yellow press” also covers transsexuality,

and for a brief period in 2004–5 gave the topic frequent full-page

coverage, sometimes featuring translated articles that had appeared in the

international press. This sustained coverage, despite the lean quality of the

content—sometimes the same story is repeated in various issues of the

same journal—has made transsexuality one of the stock attention-grabbing

stories for the scandal sheets, along with stories about film stars’ lives

and various sexual and social scandals. The combination of kinds of coverage—with

the dailies and science journals making transsexuality a

respectable topic of social conversation and the sensational press bringing

it into popular knowledge—has made transsexuality a widely recognized

topic, though by no means one that is generally approved of. It is possible

that the increased frequency of SRS in the past decade has been enabled

by this expansion of public discourse. Many transsexuals I listened to,

especially those coming to Tehran from provincial towns, said they had

found out about SRS clinics through the press coverage (including satellite

broadcast of documentaries).

What kind of subjectivity is afforded to transsexuals through their

public recognition as strange creations or scandalously diseased bodies,

and how do transsexuals themselves respond to these representations?

Some of the intimate details of transsexuals’ lives that are reported in the

tabloids would be unimaginable if the subjects were recognized as “normal

heterosexuals.” It is only as transsexuals that their sexual lives become

printable stories. What effects does this possibility of scandalous or

“strange” public intimacy generate for conceptions of gender and sexuality

more generally—especially given that the scandal sheets, like the rest

of the press, have to be wary of violating the restrictions of the Ministry

Najmabadi ¦ 2 9

of Islamic Guidance? As Dupret (2001) and Ferrié (1995) have asked of

Egypt and Morocco, respectively, what happens when claims for certain

intimate lives become possible largely through “publicizing the private,”

their regulation justified through their potential criminality? When the

cover of the tabloid visually frames the headlines about transsexuals with

headlines about murder, urban crimes, and cannibalism, what kind of

empathy can even a sympathetic transsexual story generate, bordered as it

is by stories designed to provoke urban panic and moral revulsion? 9

Venturing into Ethnography

It was with these uneasy thoughts that I began my research in Iran in May

  1. Two questions informed my initial thinking: First, in a culturallegal

context where same-sex desire is considered shameful and same-sex

practices are illegal, but within which transsexuality, even if overwhelmingly

understood as shameful, is nevertheless legal and state subsidized,

how does this configuration shape sexual and gender subjectivities? Second,

how do insistent state regulations and religio-cultural codes and rituals

concerning proper gender conduct shape sexual desires and gender

subjectivities? How does this context map the terrain on which individuals

come to identify as TS and decide how far to go in their transitions?

For instance, the protocols of sex change often involve a prolonged

period of supervised transition, during which the person lives socially as

the other gender. In Iran, I had imagined, this procedure would face difficulties

because of a whole series of state regulations on gender segregation.

How do people in transition, I wondered, navigate gender

regulations? Religious and state regulations aim to produce a sense of

bodily appropriateness through daily observations of gendered homosocializing

practices, whether at home (for religiously observant families), in

streets and parks, or in offices and universities. What is the legally sanctified

gender of a transdressed in-transition person, given that the public

dress code is so insistently gender regulated? What might the “impossibility

of living as the other gender” mean for the concepts and practices of

sex change? Despite my initial forebodings, my ethnographic research

(the results of which are summarized in what follows) soon made it clear

to me that some highly paradoxical effects have been produced by the

explicit framing of transsexuality as linked with, and yet distinct from,

homosexuality and other sexualities that are rendered deviant and sometimes

criminal.

30 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

The typical autobiographical narrative, as well as the diagnostic psychological

symptomization and the supervised process of legal certification

of transsexuality, have all keyed themselves to the distinction

established between transsexuality and homosexuality. A typical autobiographical

narrative begins with the familiar recounting of a childhood in

which the subject did not wish to dress and play gender appropriately.

Popular parental advice psychology literature now routinely warns parents

about such early symptoms. Parents are advised to not encourage

such childhood tendencies by thinking of cross-gender behavior as cute;

they are told to consult child psychologists to get help in dealing with this

“problem” as early as possible, to prevent the “full-blown stage” of adult

transsexuality.

In the dominant narrative of the transsexual life-course, a cross-gendered

childhood usually leads to a troubled adolescence in which samesex

desires torment the subject, especially given that all schools in Iran are

gender segregated. The strong relationship between childhood “transgender

symptoms” and adolescent “sexual symptoms” signals the many

ways in which gender and sex are not taken to be distinct categories in all

registers in Iran. Indeed, in some registers, lives are made possible through

that very indistinction—as in the case of certified non-operated transsexuals

who would become illegal subjects should “transgender” (that is,

nonmedicalized cross-gender living) become widely accepted as distinct

from transsexual.

Transsexuals who profess religious beliefs usually emphasize that they

had not engaged in any same-sex acts despite persistent desires. Others

hint at same-sex activities as a further corroboration of their transsexuality.

Both groups tend to recite a series of school troubles, leading to parents

being informed that their child has “problems,” referrals to

psychologists, possibly dropping out of school, or being expelled if suspected

of improper sexual activities. These troubled years begin the long

process toward eventual gender transition.

Often this is the beginning of long family battles. Parents resort to

sometimes horrifying measures to dissuade their adolescent teenagers

from their contrarian sexual/gender desires. Some transsexuals succeed in

hiding their sexual/gender desires from parents and improvise their own

livable patterns. Even post-op, some live complicated multiple lives to be

able to stay connected to their families. They leave home dressed as one

gender, then change to the other. This strategy is easier for FtMs, who

Najmabadi ¦ 3 1

can just take off their outer covers, than for MtFs, who must not only

adjust clothes, but also apply makeup under bridges, in garages, in public

toilets in parks, and at other available public spaces—all of which are

potentially dangerous for them, with regular reports of MtF transsexuals

being attacked and occasionally murdered in such locations.

Adolescents sent by school authorities or concerned parents for help

from therapists and physicians are sometimes diagnosed as “afflicted by

GID (gender identity disorder)” and often find themselves thrown into a

combative situation with therapists who decide to cure them of these

wrong gender/sexual desires. Such practitioners include both mainstream

psychologists as well as a vocal group of psychotherapists who advocate

and practice Islam therapy (sometimes called spiritual therapy). Adolescence

is the period in which many transsexuals, especially MtFs, find

family life unbearable and either leave, at least temporarily, or are thrown

out by families. Family severance is a very serious social issue, as so much

of one’s life is defined and made possible (or impossible) through one’s

location within an intricate network of extended family members, family

friends, and acquaintances. Thus, severance from family often means not

only emotional hardship and homelessness for prospective transsexuals,

but also a loss of education and job opportunities. While transsexuals tend

to find each other and form alternative kin worlds of their own, they

often face enormous problems in the immediate period of being thrown

out into a hostile world. MtFs are much more likely to face this predicament

than are FtMs. Correspondingly, family reconciliation is often easier

for FtMs than for MtFs. Several close relatives of (pre-/non-/post-op)

FtMs explicitly said their acceptance of their daughter/sister becoming a

son/brother would have been unimaginable if it had been the other way

around.

The reason for this disparity is not simply gender bias, though it is

that too—namely, the preference for a male offspring. More important,

the disparity arises from the repugnance and shame that the culture associates

with “passive” male same-sex practices. MtFs seem, sadly and ironically,

to live forever under the sign of being kunis (literally meaning

“anal,” but in Persian connoting persons who are receptive of anal penetration),

even though that is precisely what in many cases they are trying

to disavow and move away from through sex change.10 In their autobiographical

narratives, many reiterate that they have never allowed themselves

to be anally penetrated even with their longtime boyfriends, and

32 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

that they have been patiently going through the legal and medical changes

in order to acquire a vagina before they get married. Yet their physiological

changes and insistent self-narrativizations notwithstanding, they

continue to carry the burden of that stigmatization with them even postoperatively.

For their families, they remain a lifelong source of shame

among their kin and neighborhood networks. Even families that have not

reconciled with their offspring “lost” to sex change sometimes move to a

new neighborhood or town in order to live again without shame. The

insistence of many transsexuals to distinguish themselves individually and

as a group from homosexuals is thus not simply because of the religiolegal

status of transsexuality and their need to protect themselves from

charges of homosexuality; this attempted disarticulation nevertheless carries

with it, and participates in regenerating, a sign of stigmatization. It is

a delineating move that in fact reinforces a burden they cannot shed.

Filtering

The legal process of gender transition is firmly framed by the pivotal distinction

between homosexuality and transsexuality. Colloquially referred

to as “filtering,” legal gender transitioning involves a four- to six-month

course of psychotherapy, accompanied by hormonal and chromosomal

tests. It aims to distinguish and segregate “true transsexuals” (for whom

any same-sex desire and even hints of same-sex practices are considered

symptomatic of their transsexuality) from misguided or opportunist

homosexuals (whose same-sex desires and practices are viewed as signs of

moral deviancy) seeking to avoid anti-homosexual censure.11 In the worst

cases, filtering establishes a very hostile and at times terrifying relationship

between the therapist and the client. This is particularly the case with

those therapists who practice Islam therapy. Several transsexuals recounted

contemplating or attempting suicide during the filtering process. Other

therapists, however, actually have used filtering to support their gay and

lesbian clients, and to form separate individual and group sessions for

them, thereby providing important social venues.

As I have already hinted, the very process of psychological filtering

and jurisprudential wall-building between gender and sexual categories,

far from eliminating gays and lesbians (if that is indeed what the authorities

hope for), paradoxically has created new social spaces. Instead of constructing

an impassable border, the process has generated a porously

marked, nebulous, and spacious domain populated by a variety of “not-

Najmabadi ¦ 3 3

normal” people. In order to persuade some gays and lesbians (“symptomatic

homosexuals”) to consider transing bodily, and to filter out the true

(“morally deviant”) homosexuals, this process needs to offer a safe passage

between categories. As the filtering and sorting processes depend above

all on individual self-narratives, the potential uses of this “nebula” are

limited only by each involved person’s creativity—a decidedly abundant

resource.

As a wise friend urged me back in 2005, before I began my field

research, “Don’t worry, people are very creative and make their own

uses.” And this is what I have in fact learned: not to underestimate the

real problems and challenges, and at times dangers, that transsexuals, gays,

and lesbians face in Iran, but also to see the productivity (in a Foucauldian

sense) of the power of legal-medical-religious regulations, as well as the

creativity with which transsexuals, gays, and lesbians use the spaces such

regulative power provides and the ways in which their active participation

and struggles change things.

Here is where refusing a distinction between sex and gender has been

very productive. One can live what we may name a transgendered life

(that is, non-operated yet sex/gender discordant) as a certified transsexual.

This is perfectly legal and religiously permissible. As one trans-friendly

cleric, Hujjat al-Islam Kariminia, agreed in the course of our many conversations

and written communications, physiological transitioning is

something that is allowed but not required. This means that a certified

transsexual can, but does not have to, take hormones or go for surgery.

S/he can legally live as the other gender. While legal and religious officials

do not like this, they cannot do much about it. They are not being

lenient and tolerant; rather, the very mechanisms of their project to filter

and sort homosexuals from transsexuals depends on turning a blind eye to

the “space of passing” across the very walls they have tried to erect.

Indeed, one doesn’t even have to engage with the filtering process to

be able to speak, at least in some spaces, as openly gay. In official circumstances,

homosexually oriented persons, with or sometimes without certification

as transsexual, refer to themselves in various ways. For example,

one man who, in a safer space, self-identified as gay, would say in a weekly

TS group session held at the Social Emergency Unit of Welfare Organization,

“I am not sure what I am, maybe I am gay, maybe I am TS, I

am here to find out.” In the 2005 Mashhad seminar on gender identity

disorder, an MtF-looking person from the audience asked Hujjat al-Islam

34 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

Kariminia about rules for certain religious observances for “those of us

who are bilataklif [undecided, ambivalent, in a conundrum]. Do we enter

the Imam Riza Shrine through the men’s entrance or the women’s?”

Hujjat al-Islam Kariminia’s response was very telling: “You should go

through the entrance that is appropriate for how you are dressed.” This

would, of course, not resolve their actual dilemma, in contrast to their

hypothetical jurisprudential one; for upon entering the apparently gender-appropriate

entrance, one is subjected to bodily security searches that

would result in serious trouble for a TS. Yet Kariminia’s answer itself was

what astonished me, because in a conversation in his office in Qum, in

response to my suggestion that transsexuals should be allowed to live as

transgender and not necessarily be pushed to hormonal and surgical treatment,

he had insisted that the anatomical body defined maleness or

females in Islam. In a later conversation, however, he agreed that certified

transsexuals could trans-dress, and in a written communication he confirmed

that they could even live as the other gender in all ways except for

having sex with someone of their own bodily sex. Clearly, the context of

asking made for different responses, as anyone familiar with the tradition

of Islamic (or Jewish) responsa literature would immediately recognize.

The legal and religious authorities, in short, have a stake in keeping

open the nebulous domains of passing, even as they try to clear them of

any “opportunistic squatters” and keep their population under surveillance.12

The passageways that cross the porous boundaries between homosexuals

and transsexuals at times fuels the hostility of some MtFs

(especially those who are post-op) toward gay men. In keeping with general

social attitudes, the former consider gay men to be shamefully anally

receptive and suspect them of being actual or potential sex workers and

HIV carriers; “They give us all a bad name” was an oft-repeated phrase.

Despite all these challenges, however, these passages ought to remain

open.

Alternative Alliances

Recently, an alternative alliance has emerged between some MtF transsexuals

and gay men.13 They argue that they have much in common as

people who differ from social norms and expectations and that the stateregulated

filtering process should not become a hostile division between

them. In 2006, one transsexual group began to welcome gays and lesbians

to its weekly meetings.14 These emerging openings and alliances have

Najmabadi ¦ 3 5

begun to create conditions for rethinking and reappropriating dominant

cultural concepts. In the TS meeting held at the Welfare Organization, a

gay man argued before a government-appointed social worker that since

the culture named them all as deviants, those who were thus labeled

therefore possessed the power to redefine what that label might mean.

Think metaphorically of driving, he argued, maintaining that most people

take the straight highway to get where they want to go, but gays, lesbians,

and transsexuals deviate from the straight path and take some side

roads—a much more interesting way to travel than the boring straight

highway. Even within such relatively open and hospitable spaces, however,

the overall social stigmatization of gay men and transsexual women

produces enormous pressure on them to police each other’s lives. The

public appearance of MtFs, many of whom often display their femininity

by “excessive” styles of clothes and makeup, in a social context in which

female public visibility is heavily scrutinized, is a continuous subject of

approbation by others. MtFs who are even rumored to engage in sex

work are a continuous target of harsh criticism.

I do not wish to deny the enormous pressures on gays and lesbians to

physically transition, which some gays and lesbians do consider in order

to make their lives more livable. Their decision to transition derives not

merely from religious sanctions or as a result of laws being enforced

against same-sex practices. It cannot be dismissed simply as a “false recognition”

achieved under therapeutic duress, or incited by the media (as in

the formula “I read an article or saw a TV program and now realize I am

TS”). Nor does it represent a “lack of imagination,” as one diasporic selfidentified

queer Iranian once put it to me. Such moments of medicopsychological

diagnosis or self-recognition are occasioned by larger social

and cultural patterns of gender and sexual life, in particular the pressure to

marry and form families. They are informed by all the simple pleasures of

daily life from which same-sex partners are excluded; as one such woman

said, “We can’t be together at Nawruz [Persian New Year]; each of us

has to be with her family. We start every new year in separation.”

The social expectation for every adult to get married, later if not

sooner, affects sexual and gender relations in important ways. While there

has been a great deal more open premarital sexual experimentation

(including same-sex activities) among adolescents and young adults in

recent years, these remain just that: premarital. Male-male and femalefemale

couples live under, and compete with, the severe threat of the

36 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

marriage demand. At times, “passive” males overact their femininity in a

desperate attempt to avert the threat of a “real” woman and the loss of

their male partner to marriage. The same is true of female-female couples:

there are abundant sad narratives of long-term lesbian relationships

breaking apart because the “femme” partner finally opted for marrying a

“real” man (or finally gave in to familial and social expectations to do so),

in spite of the heroic butch performance of her former lover. This same

pressure for marriage informs the dominant culture’s deep investment in

the performance of masculinity and femininity, and it partially accounts

for heavily gender-coded roles within same-sex partnerships. This, perhaps

even more than the illegality of same-sex practices and the legality of

transsexuality, pushes some people who may otherwise define themselves

as butch lesbians and effeminate gays toward transing. They expect

transing to make marriage available to them and, in a few instances, to

salvage a threatened same-sex relation. Nevertheless, relationships involving

transsexuals still always exist under the threat of inauthenticity. Postop

transsexuals, even though they have aspired to be bodily like the other

sex, are often dismissed as “plastic replicas,” and social pressures sometimes

lead the partners to contemplate leaving a “fake” man or woman

for a “real” one—as many post-op breakup stories reiterate. Despite the

circulation of such sad stories, the larger social pressures for marriage continue

to push some people in the transsexual direction.

Conclusion

Having provisionally mapped some configurations of sexuality and gender

in contemporary Iran, I will conclude with a few questions that may

be of interest for transnational comparison. What does it mean that concepts

of gender, sex, and sexuality—along with their (in)distinction from,

and relations to, one another—have been formed in a context that has

not been shaped to any substantial degree by the identity politics of gender

and sexuality, or by queer activism and queer critical theory? Some of

the distinctions between these categories within Euro-American contexts,

including the distinction sometimes made between transgender/

transsexual (based on the body that has been surgically modified), have

been shaped over the past couple of decades by a particular set of political

struggles and debates. How do seemingly similar assignations mean differently

(or not) within a different politics of sex, sexuality, and gender?

While identity struggles have raged within transnational diasporic Iranian

Najmabadi ¦ 3 7

communities, many gays, lesbians, and transsexuals in Iran wish to keep

national and international politics out of their daily lives. Indeed, some

have become quite wary of international coverage of transsexuality in

Iran, feeling that the effects of such coverage, within this volatile scene of

meaning making, is beyond their control. Despite their aversion to the

international politics of human and civil rights for sexual and gender

identities, some of these global discussions have nevertheless reached Iran

through Web logs, satellite TV broadcasts, and other transnational media.

Loan words and expressions, such as “straight,” “gay,” “lesbian,” “transsexual,”

“homosexual,” “top,” “bottom,” and “versatile,” among many

others, pronounced in Persian just as they are in English, are freely used

in these discussions. How do these enunciations mean differently, and do

a different cultural work, in Tehran compared with New York? Perhaps

one of the problems with the current heated debates between proponents

of “global gay” and opponents of “gay international” resides in the presumption,

common to both groups, that “I am gay,” or “I am transsexual”

means the same thing anywhere it is pronounced. 15

Acknowledgments

This essay has been enabled through numerous conversations with transsexuals,

gays, and lesbians in several cities in Iran during 2006–7. It has

also taken shape through discussions after its presentation at several campuses:

Tehran University, Barnard College, Harvard School of Public

Health, University of Connecticut, Princeton University, University of

Washington, University of Illinois, several campuses affiliated with the

Greater Philadelphia Women’s Studies Consortium, University of Pittsburgh,

Yale University, University of Delaware, Stanford University,

University of California (Berkeley), Harvard University (Center for Middle

Eastern Studies), Simon Fraser University, Dalhousie University,

Wellesley College, and Williams College. I am deeply indebted and

grateful to all the people involved, but as at present I cannot thank the

first group by name, I opted for skipping all names, except that of Susan

Stryker, whose critical feedback and skillful editing transformed a very

raw essay into a more readable text.

Afsaneh Najmabadi teaches history and women, gender, and sexuality studies

at Harvard University. Her last book, Women with Mustaches and Men

without Beards: Gender and Sexual Anxieties of Iranian Modernity (University

38 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

of California Press, 2005), received the 2005 Joan Kelly Memorial Prize

from the American Historical Association. She is currently working on

the two-volume Sex in Change: Configurations of Sexuality and Gender in Contemporary

Iran (vol. 1: Transing and Transpassing: Trespassing Sex-Gender Walls

in Iran; vol. 2: Genus of Sex: Configurations of Sexuality and Gender in Twentieth-Century

Iran).

Notes

  1. These reports ran from February 4, 1999, to January 5, 2000. The same journal

ran another series of autobiographical essays from November 22, 2003 to November

22, 2005. This body of writing constitutes the most extensive published

transsexual narratives we have.

  1. I say “presumed illegality of homosexuality” because what is a punishable

offense is sexual acts between members of the same sex, with anal penetration of one

man by another (liwat) [sodomy] being a capital offense. In international coverage,

liwat is almost always translated as “homosexuality.” The problem with this translation

is that such reports find their way back into Persian, and in their Persian effects they

converge with the medical and psychological discourses in which the dominant concepts

are sexual orientation and typologies of desire, centered on the naturalness of

heterosexuality. In that domain, instead of the legal-jurisprudential category of sodomy,

it is homosexuality (rendered in Persian as hamjisgara’i, meaning “being inclined

to a person of one’s own sex”) that is discussed as a sexual deviation along with a

whole gamut of other deviations. While most theologically trained persons use liwat,

more often than not, professionals (social workers, surgeons, and therapists) use

hamjisgara’i. It is this slippage between the two concepts in different registers that are

increasingly crossing paths—especially within various state institutions that deal with

transsexuals-transgenders and with some individuals who do name themselves gay or

lesbian—that makes me cautious about a simple usage of this term. I am concerned

about keeping this distinction because in conversations in Iran it became quite clear

that this is a productive distinction for many Iranian gays and lesbians, who find a

degree of safety in insisting that homosexuality is not illegal, providing them with a

sense of possibility of testing public spaces where some indication of their sexual

desires (keeping it clear of what sex they do) may be a worthy risk. When I quote

from English documentary sources, I have no way of knowing which term had been

used in Persian, except in case of documentaries that have a Persian soundtrack.

  1. More recently, the Welfare Organization reported that it received three new

TS applications a day. Other reports estimate the total number of transsexuals in Iran

at anywhere between three thousand to five thousand, and sometimes as high as

twenty-five thousand. My use of “TS” in this article is occasioned by its usage as a

self-identification category among Iranian transsexuals. It is used in Persian, pronounced

“ti-es.”

  1. I realize that this is a controversial claim, since much of the current coverage

of transsexuality in Iran claims otherwise. My conclusions in this essay are based on

Najmabadi ¦ 3 9

fieldwork in Iran in 2006–7 that is impossible to present at any length within the

scope of an essay. While transsexuals, gays, and lesbians whom I listened to over that

period expressed many anxieties, fears, desires, and dreams, none were related to anything

that was linked with fear of criminality. The issue of criminality is, of course,

not trivial: criminality, and in particular capital punishment for sodomy, dynamizes

many other legal restrictions and social fears.

  1. Some very well known transsexuals include Christian Jorgensen, Elizabeth

Call, Vince Jones, Juliet (formerly Julius, no last name given in report), Robert Allen,

Edwin Emerton, Roberta Cowell, Rollando Cassioti, April Ashley (formerly George

Jameson), Gino Malti, Jeanette Jiousselot, and Phoebe Simple.

  1. Commentators favorable toward Iran often contrast that nation with other

Muslim countries; the legality of certain medical technologies (not only SRS, but also

a wide array of reproductive technologies) in the former and their illegality in some of

the latter countries is narrated as if somehow linked with an ahistorical Shi‘i-Sunni

divide. This perpetuates such historically unsound arguments as the claim that the gate

of ijtihad (issuing jurisprudential opinion) was closed in the Sunni world, thus making

Shi‘ism more open to change. While this argument may seem almost commonsensical

(especially to many Shi‘is), it misses the key issue of the historically specific relationship

between jurisprudential and political authority that has characterized Iran since

the early 1980s, which translates clerical opinion into the state’s legal code.

  1. I use the word “genus” for jins in this context to highlight the distinction

between what today is commonly referred to as “sex” (jins) and the earlier connotations

of the same term in classical Islamic writings on this topic—an issue further

elaborated in Najmabadi 2008.

  1. Despite my own earlier foreboding (Najmabadi 2005; see also my critical selfreflections

on this piece in an H-Net discussion, Subject: Re: Reportage: Iran:

Change Sex or Die, posted May 19, 2007, H-Histsex@H-Net.msu.edu), I know of

no case in which a homosexual has been forced to change sex. Nor have I seen such

evidence offered by commentators who claim punitive use of SRS for gays in Iran.

  1. Some of my thinking here has been deeply influenced by conversations with

Judith Surkis on her current research project, “Scandalous Subjects: Indecency and

Public Order in France and French Algeria.”

  1. The entry into Persian and wide circulation of the words “gay” (pronounced

as in English) and, less frequently, “lezbish” (lesbian butch) may indicate (contrary to

the presumption of imitation of or imposition by the “gay international” on unsuspecting

naive Iranians) in part an attempt to move away from the burden of the stigma

that the term kuni (and, to a lesser extent, baruni, used for the “active” partner in a

lesbian relationship) carries with it. In other words, to the extent that the adoption of

the terms gay and lesbian into Persian nomenclature can be viewed as some sort of

mimicry, it is a strategic move to shed the cultural stigma of kuni (and baruni). Other

Englishisms serve similar cultural effects, as the wide use of “bi-ef” (BF) and “gi-ef”

(GF) for “boyfriend” and “girlfriend.” Whether these language moves work or fail is

not determined because of the presumed shortcoming of “mimicry,” or because of

the cultural power of domination by a presumed “gay international” that is exporting

40 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

its identity categories in imperial fashion. Its potential source of trouble is the tight

gender grid within which same-sex relationships in contemporary Iran are configured.

This configuration is in turn an effect of the marriage imperative (see below)

that shapes particular notions of masculine and feminine performance (within heterosexual

relationships as well). Same-sex partners, however, are prone to “overperformance”

because of dominant pressures and hazards of marginalized lives. In the

context of South Asia, the adoption of such English words is sometimes seen as “a

class-specific rejection of indigenous categories.” See the thread “Homosexual/gay/

queer” in June and July 2007 on H-Net Histsex. I am not convinced that such

straightforward class delineations can be made.

  1. The process includes a series of written tests for which translations of MMPI

(Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Index) and SCL-90-R (Symptom Checklist90-R)

are used to make sure the TS is not suffering from other mental disorders and,

if so, to be treated first for these problems to make sure the presumed line of causality

runs from TS to other symptoms rather than the other way around. TSs prepare for

these tests and coach each other for oral interviews, much as graduating high school

students in Iran prepare for the national entrance exam to universities. Oral interviews

cover questions about details of life stories, but there are also totally idio(syncra)tic

questions and gestures, such as checking what kind of watch the person is wearing, if

they have shaved legs, color preferences, how they squeeze a toothpaste tube (from

bottom up or from the middle), and so on. When TSs were recounting these questions,

their laugher expressed better than anything else the performativity of this procedure–something

of which officials and others, including therapists I interviewed,

are fully aware.

  1. The legal and social scene is highly fluid as I write these lines. Some authorities

try to tighten what they see as unfortunate loopholes; others in different ministries

and state organizations have formed supportive working relations with TS

activists and help them to neutralize or go around restrictions and get legal, medical,

housing, and other material benefits. One of the challenges of my project, practically

and analytically, is that more than twenty-nine years after the revolution, the Iranian

state remains highly fractured, internally changing, and volatile. While a lot has been

written on the fractured nature of the Iranian political system since the revolution of

1979, early in my research it became clear that thinking of the state even as a fractured

mosaic of competing and at times conflicting mini pieces would not do; perhaps a

better visual imaginary would be pieces that are continuously shifting and changing

colors, with no well-defined edges of any sort. How such a structure does not burst at the

mobile junctions of these shifting pieces, how it does its stately work, so to speak, is a

question I put aside for now. This situation allows transsexuals (and other activists) to

cultivate their own horizontal and vertical networks in and out of various governmental

bodies that do not fit neat categorizations as “governmental” and “nongovernmental.”

While permitting a vast degree of creativity, it also makes their work

highly susceptible to the ebbs and flows of rapid political changes that mark the country.

Several trans-rights activists have emerged from the transsexual community over

the past four or five years, and the current changes are above all their achievements.

Najmabadi ¦ 4 1

Their efforts to challenge and change the medical, legal, and police abuses that transsexuals

and gay men (and to a much lesser extent lesbians, for a complicated set of

reasons) face are very impressive. They go to various government bodies almost daily

and lobby for their rights and the benefits they expect the government to provide for

them. There are often setbacks. The legal hoops that they are often made to go

through are mind-boggling, and it is a testament to their fighting spirit and their sense

of citizenship that they continue their work. One major issue is the understandable

desire of many post-op transsexuals to become “invisible” and live “normal lives.”

This has meant a huge turnover of activists and the loss of continuity and organizational

experience. The legal process, and the existence of some social welfare support

for transsexuals, does not, of course, mean that transsexuals are not targets of threats,

harassment, and arrest by police and paramilitary forces—but these attacks do not

have a uniform pattern. There are highs and lows. In this, the transsexual community’s

situation is not different from those of others who cross various “red lines” in

Iran. Whether the attacks on gays and transsexuals are more severe than they are on

other groups, or on other moral or political grounds, I don’t know. I don’t know of

any study that has actually brought together all the rape, adultery, and sexualitycharged

trials and figured out if there is a pattern. I don’t know of anyone who has

systematically studied the attacks on workers and students rights activists, women’s

rights activists, journalists, and political dissidents, and those more ordinary daily

attacks, such as arrests of women on charges of incorrect veiling and assaults on parties,

as compared with arrests of gays and assaults on gay parties, to know if there is a

difference.

  1. Lesbians are largely absent from this scene. There seems to be a pattern in

which female sexual and affective relationships and socializing networks take shape

largely in spaces that are not publicly visible.

  1. This was opposed by other MtFs and became a subject of much debate. The

group subsequently had to stop its meetings because the magazine in whose office the

they were held was closed down. The magazine itself had been charged with crossing

“red lines” in its coverage of explicitly sexual topics in the language of psychology.

  1. Altman 2001 as well as Massad 2007 and 2002 are perhaps the most polarized

points of this debate. Publication of these writings has generated a much larger conversation,

especially among scholars and activists concerned with issues of sexuality in

non-Euro-American cultures. See, for example, Rofel 2007.

Works Cited

Abdo, Geneive. 2000. “Sex-Change Iranian Hates Life as Woman.” Guardian, June

20, World News sec.

Altman, Dennis. 2001. Global Sex. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Dupret, B. 2001. “Sexual Morality at the Egyptian Bar: Female Circumcision, Sex

Change Operations, and Motives for Suing.” Islamic Law and Society 9(1):42–69.

Eqbali, Aresu. 2004. “Iran’s Transsexuals Get Islamic Approval, But!” Middle East

Online, September 30, http://www.middle-east-online.com/

english/?id=11423.

42 ¦ Transing and Transpassing Across Sex-Gender Walls in Iran

Fathi, Nazila. 2004. “As Repression Eases, More Iranians Change their Sex.” New

York Times, August 2, World sec.

Ferrié, J. N. 1995. “Lieux intérieurs et culture publique au Maroc.” Politix 31:187–

202.

Harrison, Frances. 2005. “Iran’s Sex-Change Operation.” BBC Newsnight, January,

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/programmes/newsnight/4115535.stm.

Ireland, Doug. 2007. “Change Sex or Die.” http://direland.typepad.com/direland/2007/05/change_sex_or_d.html.

Khomeini, Ruhallah. 1967 [or 1968 (1387ah)]. Tahrir al-wasila. Najaf, Iraq: Matba‘at

al-Adab.

Massad, Joseph. 2002. “Re-Orienting Desire: The Gay International and the Arab

World.” Public Culture 14(2):361–85.

———. 2007. Desiring Arabs. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

McDowall, Angus, and Stephen Khan. 2004. “The Ayatollah and the Transsexual.”

Independent, November 25, World sec.

Najmabadi, Afsaneh. 2005. “Truth of Sex.” Iranian.com, January 12, http://www.

iranian.com/Najmabadi/2005/January/Sex/index.html.

———. 2008. “Genus of Sex: Configurations of Sexuality and Gender in Twentieth-Century

Iran.”

Rofel, Lisa. 2007. Desiring China: Experiments in Neoliberalism, Sexuality, and Public

Culture. Durham: Duke University Press.

Sanders, Paula. 1991. “Gendering the Ungendered Body: Hermaphrodites in

Medieval Islamic Law.” In Women in Middle Eastern History: Shifting Boundaries in

Sex and Gender, ed. Beth Baron and Nikki Keddie. New Haven: Yale University

Press.

Stack, Megan K. 2005. “Changing Their Sexes in Iran.” Los Angeles Times, January

25.

Tait, Robert. 2005. “A Fatwa for Freedom.” Guardian, July 27, World News sec

Journaling provides a valuable tool for recording

Journaling provides a valuable tool for recording
Journaling provides a valuable tool for recording

Journaling provides a valuable tool for recording

Journaling provides a valuable tool for recording, reflecting on, and reviewing your learning. This approach provides an opportunity for you to “connect the dots” and observe the relationships between and among activities, interactions, and outcomes.

Unlike a personal journal of thoughts and feelings, this Leadership Journal is a record of your activities, assessments, and learning related to this academic experience.

Journal entries should include a record of the number of hours spent with your nurse leader each week. This was a total of 16 hours

Write a journal entry of 750-1,500 words on the subject of example, including the following:

Provide observations and thoughts on the activities in Weeks 11-12.

Identify three to five personal values or characteristics that you believe are critical components of a good leader, such as honesty, compassion, or fairness. How do you express those values in your professional life?

Reflect on at least two things you learned from the “Issue of Example” video. http://lc.gcumedia.com/zwebassets/courseMaterialPages/nur670_vpv01GUI.php

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